In the Heisei 30 years Japan were beset by confusion as leaders kept changing. Given the accelerating trade clash with the US, China must improve relations with Japan, we read. This range of Chinese viewpoints may have given some Japanese hope, but that did not prevail. Machidori Satoshi followed with an article on internal political causes for the new US hard line toward China, which will have enormous global impact.
This is an historic shift supported by both political parties not just due to the distinctive nature of the Trump administration, but a reflection of changes under way before Trump and a structural transformation of US foreign policy not limited to China. China is the prime target because of differences in political systems: It is challenging for hegemony. What can Japan do? Machidori says: recognize that this is not just Trump, and there is a high likelihood that this will continue for a long time; consider that under Obama US globalization and free trade meant separation of politics and economics but that is no longer true for the US although it largely holds for Japan in its China policy; it is sticking to not one-sidedly following a hardline approach to China.
The Uighurs are a major theme. Ikebe Ryo commented on global companies since leaving China, especially for Vietnam. Although a breakdown is given for economic sectors, no special attention is given to Japanese companies. Moreover, despite South Korean claims, it is said that Japan did not make concessions on export controls. There is no hint in the coverage that Japan has responsibility or should change direction.
At the turn of the year, as Abe was celebrating seven years in office, the longest tenure of a prime minister under the existing constitution, and Japan was entering the first full year of the Reiwa era, the mood was rather grim, even before COVID upended all predictions. Whether a mature bilateral relationship will be forged in is left as a question mark in the conclusion.
It starts by warning that problems are mounting in domestic and foreign affairs. Abe has raised the consumption tax twice to address social welfare needs in an aging society and has strengthened security and the alliance with the US. Opposition parties are faulted for opposing raising the consumption tax yet calling for increased welfare expenses. No optimism is raised, but an appeal is made for the LDP to strive to persuade public opinion to agree to constitutional revision as seemingly the first priority.
The agenda for had already been trimmed. The progressive press was harsher on Abe. On December 30 an Asahi editorial looked back at his year: he did not take responsibility; he demeaned the Diet; and he changed the character of the bureaucracy. These were not part of the established bureaucracy is the implication, bypassing Cabinet circles.
A theme already prominent in Tokyo Shimbun was stressed: corruption was occurring, social problems were not being addressed, and stability gave a false sense of comfort. The progressives were outspoken in their critique of Abe even before his handling of the virus became an issue. Abe had only restricted entry to people from Hubei for two weeks before, on February 12, finally extending the ban to Zhejiang.
It added that when the two foreign ministers met in Munich they reaffirmed plans for the visit in April. In the planned meeting with the Emperor Xi seeks to be spared from blame for the high crime of spreading the virus to the world. Abe needs to explain to the Japanese people the reason he has to go ahead with this invitation.
The far right in Japan was now critical. A Yomiuri editorial on February 26 called on Xi to take responsibility for the epidemic now spreading around the world.
The economy is slowing and publicly announced economic goals will not be reached, dealing an unavoidable blow to the administration. Not sending officials to the G20 finance ministers meeting has drawn criticism and is seen as an irresponsible response. Xi should fulfill the duties of a great power leader.
China should actively provide information. Instead, we cannot overlook that Xi is strengthening surveillance and pressure on speech and those who report the facts risk disappearance. At the end, readers are told that a communist administration—in the name of social stability—blocks any dissent and heightens an existing danger. Clearly, the article finds the system deeply at fault. Sankei on March 15 recalled that in January the number of visitors from China had risen Flights leaving from Wuhan brought about 18, people, second only to the 27, going to Thailand if flights were full, before the city was closed on January Infections in Japan are blamed on these tourists from two months before.
Abe is criticized for being extremely lax with Chinese arrivals due to his persistent pursuit of China. Tenacious criticism has been leveled at Japan for delaying restrictions on Chinese arrivals in pursuit of the summit; just after the postponement was decided restrictions were announced on entrants from China and South Korea. First, the two together should pour all their efforts into stopping the epidemic while building an environment for calmly receiving Xi in Japan.
Thus, having dealt the Japanese a heavy blow, the Vladivostok Fleet decided to escape into the mist and rain without attempting the Western Channel of the Tsushima Straights. The Battle of Ulsan took place on August 14th as the name suggests near the Korean coastal city of Ulsan.
The fleets had closed to yards, and the Japanese ships fired first. For some reason, Japanese Admiral Kamimura in assigning targets, concentrated fire on the Rurik, the last and weakest in the Russian column.
Subjected to twice the bombardment administered to her stronger comrades. Rurik lost most of her officers in a short time, and although extremely damaged, remained afloat, the diminishing number of survivors continuing to fire the few remaining guns until the very last, in a gallant display of classic heroism that won the admiration of the Japanese.
The remaining Russian cruisers tried to cover the Rurik, but with increasing damage, Admiral Essen decided at to scuttle the Rurik, and save his other ships by heading back towards Vladivostok. Japanese cruisers chased them for some time, and firing continued, with more damage to the Russian cruisers and slight damage to the Iwate and the Azuma.
The Russians were in far worse condition than the Japanese, but Admiral Kamimura then made another inexplicable decision: after pursuit of only three hours, while still on the high seas, and with long daylight steaming hours between the Russian cruisers and Vladivostok, at hours the Japanese ceased the chase, and turned back towards Pusan.
However, as we will see, it was little more than a skirmish compared to the Battle of Tsushima fought the next year. Important territories are highlighted in red. The green line indicates the initial route of naval submarine telegraph lines installed from Ulleungdo to the Japanese naval base in Sasebo.
This was the first phase completed on September 2, after the Battle of Ulsan. The Japanese built towers in parallel locations such as Kyushu and Chugoku. Their construction started on August 3, , and the operation began on September 2 of the same year. The submarine cable was installed under the threat of the Vladivostok fleet and completed on September 25 of the same year. Through this cable, the watchtowers on Ullungdo were able to communicate directly with the Japanese naval base in Sasebo through the Korean mainland.
Japanese military personnel were located all over the Korean peninsula during this time in areas deemed strategically important. While Japan was in the process of drafting plans and surveying the islands of Ulleungdo and Dokdo the most significant naval battle to date would unfold in the waters surrounding these islands before they could start construction.
After the Battle of Tsushima the Russian Navy would be virtually destroyed and Japan would achieve unchallenged naval surpremacy in the waters of northeast Asia. Korean Japanese. But why in did Japan feel a sudden sense of urgency to include these two islets? For further information please contact Peter Wendes: pwendes hotmail.
Click here for Events. Workshops Ikebana Course. Thursdays, Students of all levels welcome. Fridays, The dispute over the Kuril Islands is not just a geographical conflict, but is also related to global geopolitical transformations in the twenty-first century, as both countries aspire to obtain the largest possible degree of status, power and control over the international map in the current century. The Kuril Islands have a great importance that makes both parties stick to their eligibility.
On the economic side, it provides access to one of the most productive fish regions in the world. The waters surrounding the Kuril Islands are among the richest areas for live marine resources marketable.
The Kuril Islands include a variety of plants, hot springs, and natural monuments. The Konashir and Eturob Islands were considered destinations for tourists from the Soviet Far East region during the Soviet period, due to Their long and temperate summer, as well as many hot springs that number are included, and given the financial revenues provided by tourism, the islands can be invested as a major tourist attraction, as well as to benefit from the money generated by tourism, besides that they go beyond Mineral resources on the islands include marine hydrocarbon deposits, gold, silver and iron, as well as the rare rhenium metal that is used in electronics, which is an important source of the Russian economy.
The islands also provide annual Russian energy needs, although the islands do not have an oil reserve in their interior. Large compared to the rest of the Russian oil regions, which reaches tons per square kilometer, but it contains titanium and sulfur minerals and commercial quantities on the sea floor, so the Russian Federation is trying to exploit and develop it.
Its strategic importance stems from the fact that it provides access to ice-free sea routes from the Sea of Okhotsk, so these islands control the movements of the Russian fleet in the Pacific located in Vladivostok, and these islands provide the possibility of the Japanese naval launch towards Pearl Harbor in the Gulf of Hitokabo in the port of Iturup.
Russia has a base for its naval fleet in the Kuril Islands, and the establishment in , a point for the concentration of Russian warships on the island of Matua, and rehabilitated the airport there, and deployed very modern coastal missile systems of the type "Pal" on Konashir and the "Bastion" on the island Europe, in addition to a coastal artillery division deployed on the islands in May , the division periodically receives military equipment and new modern weapons, including drones.
The missile units stationed on the two islands of the Russian Pacific Fleet are also conducting periodic training exercises, as conducted in May There are two important and influencing factors, namely, the growing strength of China and the North Korean nuclear program. Today, the Chinese economy represents the second largest economy in the world, and it is also the most developed economy in the world in recent years.
It is expected to become the largest economy in the world by , as it possesses advanced nuclear capabilities, ICBMs, satellites and space stations. This allowed the power to shift The Chinese military has developed into a richer, better-equipped and more sophisticated combat force, giving it greater influence in the Asia-Pacific region.
At a time when Russia is concerned with the deterioration of its relations with the West and the conflict in many regions of the world, whether in Ukraine or Georgia or in the Middle East region, specifically with regard to the Syrian crisis, Japan is concerned with the increasing influence of China in the Asia-Pacific region, and is also at risk of continuing North Korea's nuclear program The Japanese concern is embodied in the fact that North Korea's nuclear tests are able to target the security of the countries of the Asia region, especially Japan.
North Korea has managed to produce nuclear warheads capable of targeting ports and military bases in Japan. Considering that Japan's strength and North Korea constitute a threat to its national security, it does not see in return in Russia a direct threat to it. It is represented in the largest degree by the United States of America, which is perhaps the most prominent factor affecting Russian-Japanese relations, considering that the United States of America is the most powerful country in the world and competes with Russia in several regions including the Pacific and is also in a strategic alliance with Japan, which constitutes a major impact on Russian relations.
Japan and the United States of America have strategic relations through the security treaties and agreements signed between the two countries, such as the San Francisco Treaty in September , which ended the US military occupation and the restoration of sovereignty to Japan, and the United States of America granted military bases throughout the Japanese region such as Okinawa Island.
Since the formation of the American-Japanese alliance, the United States of America has exerted a great influence on Japan's relations with other countries, especially Russia, which is the largest rival of the United States of America in the international community. There is also a great difference between Japan and Russia in their view on the role and influence of NATO, as Russia considers the alliance an enemy and a target against it, while Japan sees it as an aid to highlighting its role in the international political arena through mutual assistance and mutual information.
Relations between Russia and Japan go along two unequal tracks, a network of cooperation that is slowly expanding in various fields, and a territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands. Cooperation between the two countries takes many forms and at different levels:. There are strong communication relations between the Russian and Japanese parliaments, including mutual visits to Tokyo and Moscow in During the first term of his presidency of Russia , Vladimir Putin's strategic goal was to integrate Russia into the international community, and to achieve this plan in a region Asia and the Pacific, he decided to amend relations with Tokyo and rely on Japanese funds and technologies to improve the external situation.
During his visit in , he proposed a major plan to expand the trans-Siberian railway to Japan and build an energy bridge between the two countries. As a result, a Russian-Japanese action plan was adopted in , aimed at promoting political dialogue, and continuing talks on a peace treaty, economic cooperation and law enforcement. In an interview given by Russian President Vladimir Putin to the Japanese NTV channel on December 13, , he said, "The atmosphere of trust and cooperation between the two countries must be created to serve the improvement of trade and economic relations on the broadest scale.
He added,We have not created, and unfortunately, since the revival of diplomatic relations between the two countries in , that is, a firm pillar that allows for building relations that meet our aspirations and are consistent with the requirements of the stage in terms of bilateral cooperation. Russia and Japan are natural partners in the Far East region and the world as a whole.
As for the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe , since his coming to power he adopted a new approach to the conflict by promising greater economic relations, as a motive to facilitate negotiation. In , Russian President Putin received the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and a delegation of Russian ministers and businessmen in Japan, In order to discuss resolving the conflict besides concluding many commercial deals, many major achievements were achieved at that bilateral summit held in Moscow, notably the agreement of Japan and Russia to increase economic cooperation, and facilitate the access of the former residents to the four Kuril Islands, and the formation of a joint committee To investigate In the possibility of making joint investments on the islands.
The Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono stressed that the only outstanding issue between his country and Russia is still the stalled peace treaty, and that the settlement requires the two sides to be flexible in their thinking. We may see a Japanese-Russian rapprochement in the political stances towards an international or regional issue, and at the same time we may see dispersal and tension, due to the tensions and pressures that cast shadow on the relations of the two countries.
Tension on the Korean peninsula and the Iranian nuclear file constituted a factor of rapprochement between the two countries, as Putin and Shinzo Abe expressed their common concern over the Korean nuclear crisis. On the other hand, the relations between the two countries were cooled due to the Russian occupation of Ukraine's Crimean peninsula.
Russia occupies the fourteenth place among Japan's trading partners, and Russia's share of foreign trade in Japan is about 2. Russia has tremendous energy and many natural resources compared to resource-poor Japan, while Moscow is searching for Japanese technology for development. Tokyo has actively contributed to the development of timber, fishing and shipping industries in Russia, and Japanese small and medium-sized businesses have become joint ventures, and Japanese companies have started Large-scale projects to explore oil and gas resources in Sakhalin.
The cooperation in the field of trade between the two countries recorded a remarkable increase. In the year , the value of trade exchange between the two countries reached 30 billion dollars. Japanese exports mostly included machinery, such as cars. As for Russian exports to Japan, it included raw materials, including oil and wood.
Russia is counting on Japan's participation in activating projects in this region.
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